Suiza votará para decidir si limitar inmigración
Choose the fastest growing online dating sites, everything else. Ru site Yahoo personals site helping christian men using your albanian singles in and. Migraciones internacionales Dirección electrónica: [email protected] Date of receipt: June 22, Date of acceptance: February 9, Abstract. Email: [email protected] January to date: Member of the . Migraciones Internacionales, January-June , Vol. 1, No
Not surprisingly, the results showed that there was a significant rise in earnings after legalization. Rivera-Batiz shows that when all other measurable factors are controlled for, the wage differential between the earnings of legal and undocumented women workers was greater 57 percent than the differential for men 51 percent in the same categories.
In other words, women experienced greater increases in wage earnings after they were given legal authorization to work, showing that women stand to gain more from legal status. The author speculates that women may have been more economically exploited to begin with.
Research by Giorguli, Gaspar, and Leite shows that Mexican women earn lower wages when compared with women migrants from other countries, and makes a case for claiming that discrimination impacts their earnings.
When analyzing the wages of women according to their immigration status, the sample for this study shows that immigration status influences earnings significantly, which is consistent with the Rivera-Batiz study.
It was found that women with residence and citizenship documents fell into the higher income brackets, while those with no legal documents were concentrated in the low wage earner category with 59 percent of undocumented workers earning less than U.
Conversely, 25 percent of women who were citizens had a salary of over U. Only four percent of undocumented women were in this higher income range. It was also found that female employees' incomes were lower than those of men.
The average salary for women was between and U. In comparison, men who were employees had incomes of between and U. Women occupied the lowest income ranges with Moreover, men were more likely to be in the higher income ranges. In sum, although women are more likely than men to be legally employed, which is expected to result in higher earnings, the research for this paper is consistent with the Rivera-Batiz evidence showing that gendered income disparities persist despite immigration status.
Labor Force Participation Rates The survey showed that the labor participation of all women is The rate of all women engaged in self-employment is also lower than men, with only 2. A closer look at labor market participation by marital status showed that married women are less involved in the formal and informal labor markets This suggests that single women have greater economic needs or have more choices for achieving economic independence.
Migration status only slightly impacts the type of employment for immigrant women. Fourteen percent of the legally resident immigrant women surveyed participated in the labor market as employers and self-employed, compared to eight percent of undocumented immigrant women.
According to disadvantage theory Valenzuela,women who are citizens are less likely to be more engaged in self-employed activities than undocumented women. Since those who are undocumented are more disadvantaged in the formal labor market, they are more motivated to engage in self-employment. This theory is supported by the women interviewed for this paper. Regarding the type of economic activities of Mexicans in the survey sample, these seem to be influenced by the traditional sexual divisions of labor as women move from domestic spheres into the labor market.
Suiza votará para decidir si limitar inmigración
The economic areas that provide opportunities for women lie almost exclusively in the personal service industries for female worker counterparts, in child and elderly care, and as administrative assistants, beauticians and nurses.
By contrast, male labor is concentrated in the areas of construction, landscaping, and trades carpentry, electrical services, welder, taxi drivers, auto mechanics, and upholstererswhich are male dominated. The survey yielded 60 self-employed businesses owned and operated by Mexican immigrants, both women and men. The types of activities included retail trade 11 businessesconstruction sevenauto mechanics sixcleaning sixlandscaping sixbeauty salon or hair care fivetransport fourrestaurants sixalarm and stereo installation twoupholstery shop oneprinting onesmithy onebaby sitting oneand others five.
The survey also identified the immigration status and gender of the business owners. Among the findings of the survey, it was striking that Another aspect worth highlighting is that 70 percent of business owners were men and 30 percent women, illustrating the importance of female labor participation as business owners and the setting up of businesses among Mexican immigrants Valenzuela and Cota, The Beauty Salon, a Means of Self-employment for Mexican Women Immigrants This part summarizes the analysis of the nine interviews conducted with five beauty salon owners, three employees, and one part-time worker who also worked independently from her home.
Information was obtained on undocumented owners of beauty salons through: Characteristic of the Beauticians Interviewed All the owners of the beauty salons were over 30 and had been living in the United States for over 19 years. Respondents had studied vocational careers such as secretarial, cosmetology, dental technician, nursing assistant, and bookkeeping. One characteristic of the beauty salon owners is that they had legal immigration documents.
Three of them had received legal residence documents in through the Immigration Reform and Control Act U. Congress, and two under family reunification provisions in the law. This is not an indicator that undocumented workers do not set up beauty salons, but rather that the researchers failed to interview any respondents who admitted having this legal status.
In the authors' view, the new law requiring legal residence documents for business owners effective as of January 1, would make the authors' task increasingly difficult.
Fear of being detected by the authorities obviously plays a large part in research of this nature as undocumented owners may be understandably reluctant to volunteer information that may be self incriminating Cornelius, Work History of Beauty Salon Owners and Employees The work history of this small sample of women interviewed during the second stage of the study illustrated their high degree of determination, which helped explain how, despite the laws and increased obstacles to realizing their dreams of achieving financial independence, they were motivated and committed to self-employment enterprises.
The survey found that most of the respondents reported having developed a strong work ethic that had emerged as a result of experiencing hardship in their home communities. Their narratives were consistent with that of the "American entrepreneur" and the development of an American entrepreneurial spirit. This was exemplified by Patricia who started working in a chicken farm in Mexico at age 13 and worked in the fields picking grapes and tomatoes.
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The women also often combined household activities with long hours and juggled multiple jobs at the same time some of which was poorly paid just to make ends meet: I worked taking care of the elderly, I was paid U. I was very tired and I worked there for no more than nine months.
At the same time I worked at a video shop on Saturdays from 6 pm to 10 pm, where I earned 20 U. Then I worked in this video store for more hours, for two years, on Friday and Saturday, earning 30 U.
Despite the hardship, there was evidence of a persistent struggle to improve working conditions through the development of human capital through technical or vocational study that would hopefully open doors to new opportunities, as Laura and Idalia explained: My first job was at a factory here, earning U.
I had other plans for study. I worked at the factory while I had my daughters I went to college and when I graduated I left the store, which was when I started working as a sales executive at Univision Laura, 49, Phoenix, November In Los Angeles, I worked at a shoe factory. And later I got out and worked as a cashier, cleaning houses, caring for an elderly man, which is why I ended up studying to be a nursing assistant Idalia, 64, Phoenix, February However, among these women, it was not uncommon to find work histories that adapted to the arrival of children.
Other studies show that women are often socially pressured to remain at home to attend to their reproductive roles. A return to the workforce occurs when their reproductive cycle ends Oso and Ribas, Thus, by temporarily suspending income- generating activities when they have children, they balance multiple demands, as illustrated by this account shared by Lolita: I was working at McDonald's, for three years perhaps.
I left when I was pregnant with my second daughter. I was working anyway, and at seven months I left work I could no longer continue working, but they wanted me to stay If I had had my mother or a sister here, that would have been ok, but no Lolita, 34, Phoenix, February With chronic economic instability looming for many house-holds, 4 cultural norms valuing a women's commitment to home and family may be increasingly challenged O'Leary, The narratives thus provide insights into how familial deliberations over employment and domestic organization are resolved, which, by most standards, might be considered routine if not for their transnational and bicultural dimensions.
With Arizona's proximity to the U. Undocumented Strategies The self-employment survival strategies of undocumented women hinge on their ability to build bridges between the extralegal and legal spheres of activities. The following examples of this should be prefaced by the fact that it proved difficult to arrange an interview with a beauty salon owner who had no formal residence documents.
All the owners who agreed to give the interview declared that they had residence documents. However, the employees of these salons, provided information on the strategies used by "undocumented" owners to avoid being sanctioned by the new law, as the following testimonial shows: Well, first of all, the owner of this [where she works] had been working quite some time without a license.
She was very worried about the new law. The owner had invested over 60 U. But it so happens that she had the idea of associating with someone else who is a legal resident. He is a relative; she put the business in his name. This is easy when you have family with documents, and money Lolita, 34, Phoenix, February This testimonial also illustrates the role played by support within mixed immigration status families Fix and Zimmermann, in the launch of women's self-employment activities.
We started the beauty salon with the help of the whole family. We all helped to clean up. My dad made the stations; he is a carpenter. The business was registered in my sister's name because she was the only one that was a legal resident, but my sister has never worked the business, I have always been responsible for it. The important thing is the commitment to be here forever Mireya, 39, legal resident at the time of the interview, Phoenix, November The above example illustrates how undocumented women may rely on legally resident family members to skirt the regulations requiring proof of legal residence to set up and run a business in Arizona.
In other cases, hair styling business owners are not hairdressers. One family member launched the business but another member supplied the other skills and motivation needed to operate it, as Laura explained: My husband worked in the business for three years, he equipped it and did everything, but I never saw a profit during that time, so there were problems because I never knew what he was doing; I was working here and there.
I never knew there were management problems Then I left Univision to devote myself to this, because he no longer wanted to work in the beauty salon and wanted to sell it.
La importancia creciente del conocimiento en esta sociedad hace que adquiera un papel decisivo la mano de obra calificada. En esencia, hemos de distinguir entre dos tipos de migraciones. En segundo lugar, los inmigrantes de origen extranjero. En el censo de los inscritos en el censo eran En eran ya En la cifra de oficialmente inscritos era de La paradoja es que, por un lado esos trabajadores extranjeros se siguen necesitando: O para prescindir de ellos si resulta necesario.
Que es precisamente lo que ha ocurrido con los inmigrantes: Cuando los grupos de viejos, desempleados, inmigrantes, pobres tienen localizaciones segregadas eso se debe en buena parte a las rentas limitadas que les impiden elegir otras localizaciones. Especialmente importantes pueden ser los conflictos entre viejos y nuevos inmigrantes. En primer lugar entre los viejos inmigrantes nacionales, ya integrados en la ciudad, pero afectados por problemas de desempleo, y los nuevos inmigrantes, nacionales o extranjeros.
Pero la realidad de las fronteras estatales y las obligaciones de los estados hacia sus propios ciudadanos conducen a limitaciones efectivas de dichos derechos. Pero el tiempo puede no bastar. En segundo lugar del deseo de asimilarse. Lo que ocurre cuando se es minoritario en un lugar pero se tiene conciencia de la superioridad. Puede haber tambien grupos de inmigrantes que no aceptan ciertas formas del grupo de acogida. Y desean conservar una parte de esa cultura propia, aceptando, sin embargo, las normas sociales generales de la sociedad en que se integran.
Aunque eso se hiciera desde perspectivas nacionalistas y con un lenguaje biologicista que trataba de presentar los problemas y soluciones como inscritos en el orden de la naturaleza. Y debemos afirmar que desde el punto de vista del equilibro mundial eso es conveniente. Hacen falta, desde luego, normas sociales comunes, y aceptadas por todos.
Aceptarlos en su cultura, y evitar el sentimiento de que son rechazados, excluidos, marginados o subvalorados en sus costumbres y cultura. Sometimes I don't have anything else to do at home, so I like going there because I can listen to God's words.
I tell my husband about my experiences there, and he tells me that it is a good thing to go to church. That is how I am involved in my community Anita, Jacaltenango, June The women we interviewed felt that the religious groups helped them because they felt more in touch with God and their spirituality.
They also expressed that they felt the need to pray for their husbands' wellbeing as well as thank God for everything they have achieved so far, and the church provided them with a channel to do so. While our respondents reported an increase in their religious participation once their spouses had left, most reported that their communal participation outside of religious networks had diminished.
Anita explained that after her husband left she partook in fewer community proceedings and activities: But now I rarely find out what is going on. Like yesterday's talk [on immigrants in the U. I like to participate, but I rarely do" Anita, Jacaltenango, June In sum, we found that women in Jacaltenango whose husbands have migrated to the United States feel pressured to alter their behavior; participating less in community activities and avoiding situations or events that might lend themselves to transnational gossip.
Because of the stigma and the fear of gossip, women see their job prospects and social capital diminished. At the same time, however, our respondents suggested that participation in religious networks increases when their husbands migrate. We return to these findings in the discussion and conclusion. Transnational Gossip, Isolation and Health Constant seclusion to avoid gossip combined with the effects of distance from their loved ones often results in health problems for the wives of migrants.
Several interviewees mentioned having health problems ever since their husbands migrated. Women said that their psychological ailments, such as depression, anxiety and sadness often led to physical illnesses.
He has been over there [in the United States] for a while now, I am already sick I'm sick because of my loneliness There are things I would like to tell my husband, but it's not the same if we are far away. It hurts so much because of my kids. He is so loving, I miss him You can see my sadness on my face; my skin started getting stained a little after he left.
Nearly all of the women we interviewed in Jacaltenango are seeing doctors who often prescribe medication and sometimes recommended daily thirty-minute walks. Our interviews with local pharmacists revealed that many women with migrant spouses or migrant family members have been buying medicine for high blood pressure and anti-depressants to help their anxieties brought about by gossip, fear of gossip and the isolation that accompanies it.
When asked about their health, most women replied that they had been ill and lonely. Not only do they feel lonely because their partners are distant, but also because often their families and community reject them and criticize them. Although we did not ask respondents to specifically identify the sources of gossip, a number of potential sources emerged in our interviews. As one of our respondents said " I don't know what the reason is, but there is a lot of rejection coming from the husband's family".
The family of a migrant man has an interest in controlling the way in which the wife spends remittance money Rosas, The migrant's family may assert their power by limiting the wife's behavior and spending. Second, asymmetries of wealth between families with and without migrants may lead to jealousy and bitterness. As one of our respondents explains: Many more migrant households are made of concrete block, while homes without migrants are more often made of wood or adobe. It may be the case that families without migrants pass along potentially juicy gossip in order to compensate for these disparities.
Third, we discovered that men who have not migrated also participate in the gossip, sometimes telling their migrant friends that their wives are unfaithful. Young men who have not migrated might sometimes also lie about their own sexual experiences with the wives of migrants, generating gossip to elevate their own status Rosas, One of our respondents identified her husband's best friend as the carrier of gossip.
She explains her own experience as a victim of gossip: Men who have stayed behind may be gossiping in order to voice their powerlessness. As one of the women explained: As Wert and Salovey explain, when people feel disenfranchised and powerless they may engage in gossip as a backdoor way to reassert power over the situation.
The men who have not migrated face a very difficult labor market with little power to change their economic situation, so they are a prime constituency for gossip. Finally, the wives of migrants themselves engage in gossip.
In the course of our interviews several respondents engaged in evaluative talk about other women whom they said misspent money and raised their children improperly. Many mothers, because they have enough money, tell their children, "here is some money, go play in the arcade". Or maybe their child will tell them, "I want a motorcycle" or their young sons will say, "I want a car and this and that", and these mothers immediately give it to them, they give their children too much freedom.
Although she did not name any one woman in particular, this respondent was gossiping in general about the "stereotypical" misspending wife of a migrant. By engaging in this kind of gossip women may achieve one of the goals of gossip that Wert and Salovey suggest: Women such as our respondent are calibrating the "moral compass" of Jacaltec society by gossiping about other women who behave in unacceptable ways.
Women themselves reinforce the boundaries of what "good behavior" is, and reinforce the dichotomy in which frugality and sexual restraint are "good" qualities in a wife and mother.
By talking about the ways in which other women raise their children improperly and misuse money, women simultaneously reinforce the "bad mother, bad wife" stereotype and distance themselves from it. The Amplification of Gossip in the Transnational Social Field Research on gossip suggests that it is frequently utilized as a tool to regulate actions and values.
Gossiping provides participants with clues as to what behaviors are acceptable in their communities and what behaviors are frowned upon. Gossip provides both confirmation and reinforcement for the "collective moral compass" within a particular context Wert and Salovey, These kinds of change in behavior severely limited the social interactions of women at the university. In other words, women would either change their behavior or distance themselves from a social group as a consequence of gossip.
Joanna Dreby studied the effects of gossip on transnational Mexican families, finding that gossip is a double-edged sword; although it encourages individuals to maintain their family relations it also evaluates men and women differently.
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Dreby found that gossip about women carried a greater stigma because their alleged transgressions were of a moral nature, challenging the traditional role of women as caretakers.
Gossip about men was only serious when the transgression threatened the man's traditional role as the financial provider; as long as the man continued to fulfill his role as provider the negative effects of gossip were less damaging for men than for women Dreby, Dreby's study focused on the effect of gossip on the family unit, but did not explicitly address the impact of gossip on the women who remain in the migrant-sending community.
Studies of Mexican migrant sending communities also provide key insights into the role of gossip. Carolina Rosas posits that "control over women" is one of the "mandates of masculinity" that men must redefine in the context of migration, and the faithfulness of one's wife is central to this control.
Our research substantiates these findings about the gendered nature of gossip and extends them to the context of transnational migration. We found that Jacaltec women tend to lose connections in social networks and also self-regulate their behavior when their spouses migrate. Particularly, we found that transnational gossip serves as a type of social control that the Jacaltec transnational community imposes on the wives of migrants.
These women choose not to participate in community activities for fear of gossip reaching their distant husbands, who may in turn hold back on remittances as a form of punishment.
Transnational gossip also limits employment possibilities; people may gossip about women if they do get a job because they are leaving their children unattended, or are seen with male co-workers. The Jacaltec community in Jupiter is more dispersed and less cohesive than the community in Jacaltenango. Migrant men in the United States have greater possibilities for anonymity should they engage in any gossip-worthy activities Dreby, The wives of migrants who remain in Jacaltenango, however, are subject to close scrutiny by their community.
Simply put, transnational communication, and especially transnational gossip is a gendered activity. Women and men have differential access to resources and power and are differently affected by gossip. Women who are recipients of remittances are "in a dependent relationship to remitters" Mahler, This author argues that while non-migrant wives may indeed "imagine sexual infidelity by their migrant husbands" they lack options and either "acquiesce or chase after their husbands, risking life and limb in the process".
On the other hand, "if men discover infidelity, they can take revenge by withholding remittances, among other strategies" Mahler, While male migrants may be less impacted as the subjects of gossip, there certainly is reason to believe that they are likely to be particularly receptive to gossip about their spouses at home. Wert and Salovey assert that those who are disenfranchised from formal modes of influence and communication those who do not have a say in many of the decisions and external factors that affect their lives may need a "back road" and gossiping may provide such a road.
This "generic" description of those who are likely to participate in and be influenced by gossip could hardly be more descriptive of the plight of the largely unauthorized population of Jacaltec immigrant men in Jupiter.
In a context of high ambiguity and disenfranchisement, Forbes argues that the motivational structure for men to seek sources of control over their spouses is frequently amplified. In a situation where men are unsure of themselves, they often become skeptical about their wives. Their own feelings of inferiority can lead to their doubting the love and trustworthiness of their wives. When men mistrust their wives, they may restrict them and try to control them in an effort to boost their egos Forbes, Thus, the context of transnational migration is one that generates and amplifies the role of gossip.
If the receiving community is characterized by uncertainty and daily threats, life in the sending community is characterized by even greater uncertainty and inability to influence events. In Jacaltenango, the wives of migrants are dependent on inconsistent remittances, generating a constant a sense of uncertainty.
Remittances are not consistent because in Jupiter many migrants find work only sporadically; this lack of work stability is added to the daily uncertainty that many face because of their legal status and other challenges in the United States. The cautionary tales of "the woman" whose spouse abandoned her for another woman, could not find work, drank away his remittances, or simply dropped out of contact are daily fare in the transnational social field that links Jupiter and Jacaltenango.
The women we interviewed in Jacaltenango lived with these fears daily and went to great lengths to ensure they would not suffer a similar fate. Towards an Agenda for Further Research on Transnational Gossip The findings of this study shed light on how communication plays an important role in shaping the way migration affects gender relations.
While migration certainly has the potential for introducing positive changes in gender relations, our case study suggests that in transnational communities, gossip may become a factor that thwarts those changes and reinforces patriarchal relations. Future studies in this area should take into account the ways that local gender dynamics, education levels, and religious participation may change the way in which transnational gossip affects women.
Jacaltenango is a mostly rural, indigenous setting with a strong patriarchal culture. It may be the case that the effects of gossip would play out differently in a comparative study with contrasting demographics and gender dynamics. The role of religious institutions is also a key area for future research. In our study, it was clear that religious institutions are considered the "appropriate" forum for female participation in Jacaltenango's patriarchal social system.
It should come as little surprise that gossip might be utilized to direct women's participation to an environment where messages of frugality, fidelity, and other virtues are likely to be reinforced.